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1950- sub. inglés 30 DIC

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"Freedom, Sancho, is one of the most precious gifts heaven has bestowed upon men; [...] for freedom, as for honor, life may and should be ventured; and on the other hand, captivity is the greatest evil that can befall men.” Cervantes In 1950, within October 30 and November 10, around 140 people, mostly members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party under the leadership of Pedro Albizu Campos, raised up in arms against the United States regime in 8 towns and in the capital of the United States, intent on making the world take notice of Puerto Rico’s colonial situation. Only a few of nearly one hundred combatants are still alive today. This is the story of the Nationalist Uprising of 1950... My mother gave birth to me during the 1920’s, but my life truly began on October 30th, 1950. First off, because I was consecrated by baptism In Puerto Rico under the fire of my nation’s adversaries. I got shot from all over and my clothes ended up riddled with bullet holes. I was born then, because we were supposed to die there. For me, the revolution was… They spoke to me about it, but I did not understand the reach, the consequences. Yes, they said the revolution was against the government, and that we had to fight and all of that, and when the moment arose, we had to be willing to give up our lives for the revolution. But, beyond that, I was not very aware of what a revolution was. I’ve attended many of the funerals of the men and women who participated in the 1950 Revolution who did not have the opportunity God gave me, to see their children grow up and enjoy them, since some died before they even had them, and some others were abandoned by their children because their father was imprisoned and they simply forgot about them. My name is Edmidio Marín Pagán, I’m the youngest revolutionary, since I was only 15 at the time of the 1950 Revolution. Going to war for your freedom… One feels obligated, but having to kill for any reason is terrifying, justified as it may be; which is what happened to us, we were forced to fight, really. The Nationalist Uprising This is the island of Borikén, known today as Puerto Rico. In 1493, it was invaded and colonized by Conquistadors in the service of the Spanish Empire, which kept the island under their command for four hundred years. In 1898, after defeating Spain in the Spanish-American war, the army of the United States of America invaded the island. The new regime promises democracy and freedom, and therefore it’s received with jubilation, hope and open arms by most Puerto Rican people. However, the United States is not true to its word and Puerto Rico is turned into a colony yet again. The mother country began an aggressive assimilation campaign and begins to exploit their new possession. Great fortune is amassed, while the great majority of the population lives in extreme poverty. In 1917, the United States Congress grants American citizenship to Puerto Ricans, however, with no right to vote for the President or members of Congress, or the power to choose their own governor; it was a second-rate citizenship. In 1924, a young Puerto Rican graduated from the Law Department of Harvard University, enters the political scene of the Island. HIs name was Pedro Albizu Campos. During his studies, Albizu Campos was a military cadet. He also supported and cooperated actively with the Irish Republican movement in Boston, which was leading an intense fund-raising campaign to gain their independence from England. In 1930, Albizu Campos was elected as the President of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico, which was organized in 1922 to fight for the independence of Puerto Rico. With the support of the Nationalist youth, Albizu distances himself from the way the party had operated and proceeded to militarize the movement. The Cadets of the Republic began as a civil unit, however, the idea was to turn it into the revolutionary army little by little. Worried by the growth of the Nationalist Cadets, the government of the United States sent two military men experienced in hard-hand policies. In 1933, Colonel Francis Riggs is sent to occupy the position of Chief of Colonial Police, and in 1934, President Theodore Roosevelt names General Blanton Winship as highest ruler of the colony. Both men have orders to implement colonial order at any cost. A period of persecution and fear begins at this time. Repression against the members of the Nationalist Party begins immediately; on October 24th, 1935, four young Nationalist men are murdered by the police. In response, two officials of the Cadet Corps kill the Chief of Police. Both young men are caught, arrested and murdered. In 1936, the FBI arrests Pedro Albizu Campos and other high-ranking leaders of the Party, and in a prearranged trial are condemned for conspiring to overthrow the US government in Puerto Rico. Albizu Campos is sent to serve 10 years in the federal penitentiary of Atlanta. On March 21, 1937, while the Nationalist Party was preparing to lead a peaceful demonstration in Ponce to protest against the imprisonment of their leadership, nearly 150 to 200 policemen surround the Cadets and inform them they can’t march. In spite of the atmosphere of terror, this young man, Tomás López de Victoria, keeps the Cadets firm in their position. López was the commander of the Ponce Nationalist branch, and he gave the order to march. When the shooting began, López remained standing and issued the order: “Face down on the ground!” The police are shooting from north to south and south to north. The police shooting results in a total of 22 dead and around 150 to 200 wounded. This tragic day goes down in history as the Ponce Massacre. Governor Blanton Winship holds the Nationalists accountable for the massacre. Tomás López de Victoria is among those arrested; he is sent to trial and absolved by the jury. Those truly responsible for the bloody attack go unpunished. After the massacre, the Cadets ceased their functions and many walked away from the Nationalist Party. However, the events also attract new recruits who wish to fight for independence. And the Ponce massacre happens, as well as the imprisonment of Don Pedro and the rest of the leadership of the Nationalist Party... That began stirring certain awareness in me --as well as the poverty we all lived in--of liberation. I already had a certain degree of awareness before going to the United States Army. The idea, Puerto Rico’s right to its freedom, I already understood that before I went there, but the determination, after they imposed military service and I was about to be sent to a battlefield abroad, that was just something else. I decided we needed to do whatever had to be done to fight for that right. While Albizu Campos served out his sentence in Atlanta, World War II breaks out. When the war ends in 1945 the United Nations is created, which promised peoples of every country a life of freedom, without fear and poverty; also encouraging the end of colonialism in the world. Thanks to the intense struggle of national liberation movements against their empires, some colonies attain their independence. Colonialism in Puerto Rico, however, is disguised in every possible way. Harry S. Truman, president of the United States, Jesús T. Piñero, selected by the President in 1946 to be the first Puerto Rican governor in the Island, and Luis Muñoz Marín, president of the Senate of Puerto Rico, will be some of those responsible for initiating a series of reforms to disguise the colonial problem of Puerto Rico before the United Nations. Luis Muñoz Marín will be the main ally to the financial and military interests of the United States in the Island. In 1943, Pedro Albizu Campos is set free, and finishes his four-year probation in the City of New York. From New York City, the first thing he does is become familiarized with what has been going on in Puerto Rico during his absence. To plan a revolutionary process, Albizu was aware that if he arrived in Puerto Rico ignorant of everything that had happened socially, economically and politically in the Island, he would not be able to focus on what he was about to do; even before he began any work of a revolutionary nature. Don Pedro reads the Universal Declaration of the United Nations, explores everything happening in San Francisco, where the United Nations is established, and discovers that the Nationalist Party could take advantage of this international situation to argue the case of Puerto Rico. After serving his sentence, Albizu sets sail to Puerto Rico. On December 15, 1947, his ship arrives in the harbor of Old San Juan. A multitude of followers and sympathizers of the Nationalist Party receive him with great enthusiasm. The government of Puerto Rico at the time looked for any way to hinder a great reception for him. They made personal threats to anybody they could through the police stations and the Firefighting Corps --which was highly employed at the time to persecute, intimidate and gather information-- stating anyone who dared go to San Juan to receive Albizu Campos would have to face the consequences. There’s a picture of Don Pedro coming off the ship where you can see the happiness he felt to see his people. Our happiness was enormous. He said he was never absent, that he's the same man who left, because maybe many people thought that, since he was so severely punished, he’ll now be timid or come back with different ideas, different fighting tactics, or whatever... But he is the same Albizu who had left. I was a young boy. I was not a Nationalist, I was a young Puerto Rican man, and determined to gather elements which confirmed whether my beliefs were correct, I decided to get closer to Nationalism upon Don Pedro’s arrival, and I went along with some other comrades. It was full of people; it was not 20 or 25 people, it was a crowd. Albizu disembarked and begins to preach independence immediately, preferably through pacific means, but if violence is necessary, so be it. And Muñoz thinks that Albizu’s strong advocation for independence could lead to violence, and that could consequently ruin his financial project. At the time, he was developing a project called Operation Bootstrap, which, to prosper, depended a lot on Puerto Rico being peaceful and highly dependent on Puerto Rico having ties with the United States. Also in the port, waiting for him, were agents of the FBI, the agency directed by J. Edgar Hoover. Edgar Hoover was a person who, simply put, was willing, sometimes, to employ means which were not very democratic to defend Democracy, so to speak. And since 1936, the FBI kept a “carpeta” (dossier) on Albizu Campos because they thought he was the leader of a terrorist group. I was there, in the harbor. He was never truly free, because as soon as the ship arrived, those agents were already armed and equipped to not lose track of him for a second. Don Pedro held great admiration for Gandhi, and when Gandhi was murdered, Don Pedro spent two days as in meditation, he wouldn’t talk, he’d close himself up in his room. Don Pedro’s room was very exposed to internal security, so he moved to a different room with higher security; security was doubled at all times, day and night, fearing there could be an attempt on his life. In November of 1948, thanks to Public Law 447, approved by the Senate of the United States, for the first time since they had become a colony of the United States, the people of Puerto Rico were allowed to choose their own governor. Luis Muñoz Marín is elected by a vast majority. As governor, Luis Muñoz Marín announces a new formula he called the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. This project would become Law 600, which allows the creation of a supposed constitution for the new colonial scheme. In the early years after his return, Don Pedro dedicated his time to making sure the people understood the fallacy of a project that was being discussed internally in Puerto Rico and in the United States Congress, which was a supposed reform to establish a government which was neither independence nor statehood, called the Commonwealth. When Albizu came back, I went to all of his speeches, and I would react, well, euphorically, you could say, because no one could put into words the way he could the reasons to fight for the independence of Puerto Rico and to continue the struggle. Yes, I enjoyed it immensely, just like the Greek enjoyed Demosthenes, perhaps even more. So here, my friends, a struggle is set out... THE struggle. And it's not only Yankees and Puerto Ricans on the board, it’s the entire hemisphere of the Americas. On the board, the colonial powers lead by the United States, spokesman for slavery in the world, and the non-colonial powers, who wish for the emancipation of men and nationalities. I met don Pedro Albizu Campos in 1948 while he was giving a speech in Degetau square, and I noticed he was the person I had been waiting for. Precisely in this living room... One night, Griselio Torresola--the young man who went to Blair House with Oscar Collazo-- came to the house looking for me. My house was here, very close to Blanca Canales, so he came to tell me a person had arrived here, at Blanca's house, that I would like to meet. And, of course, when I entered the living room, there stood don Pedro, right in the center. I went to shake his hand, but he didn't take it, he gave me a hug and said: “Son, how’s that heart holding up?” The impression and surprise he gave me, I’ve never been able to forget. I achieved the dreams of my youth of getting close to The Teacher. He was a man of extraordinary personality. His ample, sincere and honest smile gave him a youthful appearance in spite of all the suffering he endured in the Atlanta prison. That kind daze suffered a transformation in the moments of rage. His eyes glinted, flashing like the eyes of a tiger about to pounce its prey. He inspired fear and respect on his political adversaries and absolute discipline on his followers. How far he was from foreseeing the sacrifice and anguish following him entailed. I joined the Party on my own volition for the love of country, you’d say, not because of the political or financial situation --in spite of us growing up in a very tight financial situation, we were very poor-- but, mostly, we didn’t know anything about politics. In June, 1948, a few months after Luis Muñoz Marín assumed the position of governor, the government approves Law 53, better known as the Gag Law, which declares it’s a felony to advocate overthrowing the colonial government by force or violence. As a consequence, anybody who spoke in favor of the revolution in the Island would be arrested and processed by the authorities. The government uses this law to increase surveillance on the members of the Nationalist Party. Nationalists are aware they could be arrested at any given time. They were always watching us, monitoring us... They’d take pictures of us wherever we were... There were tons of trouble between them and us, as well. Chucho, my brother, worked at Rondinelli, and since we were Nationalists, the federal agents would go to Rondinelli to pressure the boss to fire Chucho. Rondinelli was neither a Nationalist nor an Independentist, but he had enough sense of shame and dignity to send the federal agents to hell. These are the infamous “carpetas” (dossiers). The Intelligence Division of the Police of Puerto Rico would gather and register everything related to militants, members and sympathizers of Independentists and of the different organizations that were fighting for the independence of Puerto Rico, and some who continue fighting to this day. My dear brother Ángel was just a boy, but had the fortitude of any generalissimo throughout history. I'm going to say something I've never told anyone before: there was a Nationalist event in Manatí before the revolution, that was very well-attended and was full of armed agents of every kind. We feared that don Pedro could be arrested then. When the event ended, Ángel and I happened to meet next to the door of the car transporting the agents who were following don Pedro. Ángel put his hand in his pocket, his finger on the trigger, and said: “Dico, my brother, let's bring these men to justice.” And I said: “Don't move a muscle. Don’t, because they’re looking for an opportunity to kill don Pedro and we’re going to give it to them. They very much deserve to be executed, but please don't.” But, he did propose to do it, and he wasn’t playing around. Ángel, may God bless him and illuminate his spirit. Muñoz was quite aware of the excessive surveillance, because the Chief of Police would send him reports on the things they were doing. As a consequence of the reforms boosted to disguise colonialism in Puerto Rico and the intense persecution that the members of the Nationalist Party were submitted to, the Cadets were reactivated, and Albizu Campos organizes a secret revolutionary cabinet composed of men of his total confidence. Both units are placed under the command of Tomás López de Victoria. The commander, don Tomás López de Victoria, the hero of the Ponce Massacre. When he was just a child, this was the man who ordered the Cadets: “Straight ahead, march on!," which cost the life of dozens and dozens of people murdered by the police at close range... Tomás López de Victoria. I set up the first military recruitment board on Intendente Ramírez Street, displaying a sign from one side of the street to the next, to really make it noticeable. I felt optimistic and confident in the mission I had self-imposed. On our first week, eight young men joined, among them, Gregorio Hernández. Enthusiasm declined when the commander of the Cadets showed up and eliminated the sign, telling me not to ruin his plans. I felt disappointed by that attitude, which I found capricious and lacking in common sense. With just a dozen men, I could not bring a revolution to life. Subsequently, I understood the reasons that justified Tomás Lopez's actions. There was a revolutionary organization, independent to the National Board and the body of Cadets, which had an organized higher state and an intelligence service I was not aware of until the time I became part of it. In Ponce, the leaders of the group, Manuel Caballer and Tomás López de Victoria remained in constant communication with Heriberto Castro, from Utuado, Rafael Burgos Fuentes in Cayey, the Ricardo Díaz family--father and sons--from Arecibo, and Raimundo Díaz Pacheco in San Juan. After the United States had committed a number of massacres in Puerto Rico, us Nationalists considered it was our legitimate right to train, bear arms and use them in defense of Puerto Rico’s freedom and our right to protest and speak up in defense of the nation, or anything else. That is a right which transcends Puerto Rico’s borders, an internationally-recognized right: the right to fight for the freedom of your country. And Puerto Rico... The way we define it--and that’s exactly what it is-- is an intervened nation, not a colony by right of conquest. Who gives the right of conquest to an empire? The weapons? Then the weapons also give us the right to defend those principles, right? Bring me a man for the Cadets, and your first duty is to get a gun, if it’s a .45, even better; it will be useful when I fall, because you can pick it up, take the clip out and continue the struggle. That was the directive. Whenever I recruited a man for the movement, the first thing I’d talk about was that: the risk being a Nationalist entailed in every regard. I spared no effort in doing everything necessary to organize an armed revolution. If we didn’t have to fight, that’s splendid, but if we had to, we needed to organize. And I dedicated myself to that, thoroughly conscious of the risks it entailed, and free of fear, which is the first thing you need to overcome to fight for your country. Nobody wanted to join, probably because of ignorance, but it was rare to have anyone come and join the Cadets voluntarily. As an officer and instructor of Cadets, that included everything, from the beginning: the physical training to keep the Cadets in good physical condition, which is essential; and then military discipline, what it's about and how it’s orchestrated; obedience, and contribution was the most important part, once they commit they offer up their life and property. Nothing is given, they need to bring everything. He’s a volunteer and he gives up life and property, meaning they need to supply themselves with everything necessary for the struggle. In the military drills, they taught fighting techniques. There was a judo teacher called Juan Jaca Hernández, and there were many people who knew several military tactics, because there were people in our group who’d been in the army and had seen action. Some women were in the drills with us, such as Blanca Canales, Doris Torresola... And they learned everything we learned. Julio Ramón del Río was one of the instructors at the time; very competent, had great military knowledge. He’d train us on target shooting, taught us how to handle knives and how to make explosive devices, giving us an idea on how to execute an attack. He began in good faith but ended up in bad faith; he got intimidated at the time. From the beginning, when they learned I had joined the Nationalist Party and that I was guarding the house of Blanca Canales, they scolded me, and I said: “Mom, Dad, I respect you, I respect how you feel, but you’re not taking me out of here, because I’m willing to do anything for my country.” “But you’re too young,” and I said: “There’s no age to fight for your country.” My family didn’t agree with me being a Nationalist, no. I carried on against their will. Except for my brother, he was a Cadet for a long time and participated in the 1950 revolution, as well, and was also imprisoned as long as I was. The Puerto Rican liberation movement was a poor one, because rich people don't get involved in such hassles. They shy away from anything that threatens their financial stability; they only care about their money. Despite not having enough money to buy pants and shirts, well, we used to go to a second-hand store and bought khaki army pants and shirts, and we’d die them black and sew on the emblem ourselves. The young Cadets prepared their uniforms to make an appearance at the military parade before the political rally. Each of them paid for their travel expenses. There were times when we marched on an empty stomach because of the precarious financial situation. Some young Cadets fainted, as a result of hunger and fatigue. That was no obstacle to continue fighting for the cause; a cause we had absolute faith would someday succeed. In the continuous trips through different towns I made an assessment of the weapons available and the military capacity of future combatants. Jayuya was a bastion in terms of revolutionary might, because of the growing number of active forces. Siblings Elio, Griselio and Doris Torresola made up a select group. Griselio stood out among all, because of his wise and penetrating gaze; he was part of Albizu Campos’ personal guard. When Griselio Torresola went to the United States, I was quite surprised, because we didn’t know the reason, those were secret things and we didn’t know why he went. Preparations for the coming battle were difficult because of the systematic police monitoring and persecution. Men attended the evening meetings with red eyes, swollen by lost nights. The group designated as the Nationalist Army in Ponce was composed of twenty men who would face bigger and more powerful forces that were better equipped and organized. It was tantamount to suicide, but we were confident that our sacrifice would not be in vain. It’s not easy to deliver a speech when our mother lies in bed, a murderer lying in wait for her life. Such is the current situation of our nation, of our mother, Puerto Rico; the murderer, the power of the United States of America. Blood boils, we lose our patience, our hearts preach our patience must come to an end, it should disappear, and the day of Lares must BE the day of Lares, that is, it should be the day of the Puerto Rican revolution. Albizu's discourse, in every aspect, no matter the nature of the issues he touches on, is to justify the revolution. What he does, is enumerate the reasons why the people should fight to rid themselves of all the impositions that bring ignorance, misery and tragedies to the Puerto Rican family. Whenever Don Pedro met with us, it was to educate us regarding the problems an armed revolution entailed, which could be triumphant, or a defeat; which could deliver us to death or prison... He was always very clear with us. We never dreamed we’d see a triumphant revolution, never. We never thought that because we were aware that we were facing a very dangerous enemy, but we knew we were going to attract international attention, and that was very necessary. My impression was that, as soon as the government tried to arrest Don Pedro Albizu Campos and his followers, we would take up arms to repel the attack. Don Pedro was kept informed, he was given confidential government plan reports, and all of that, stating that the time was near, and that our government --forced by them--would act against us, and whoever resisted would be killed or sent to jail, including Albizu. Yes... I mean, true Nationalists were aware that an armed clash between us and the government was inevitable. On October 26, 1950, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was celebrating the birth of national hero Valero de Barnabé in Fajardo. Tension was palpable in the atmosphere because news of Albizu Campos’ arrest were circulating. All possible measures were taken to prevent the arrest of Don Pedro and to protect his life. The actions deployed by the Nationalist leadership and the firm determination to resist the arrest of The Teacher with gunfire, motivated a change in the government’s plans, making them desist in their attempt. Instead, they arrested one of the most valuable men in the Island, Rafael Burgos Fuentes, expert marksman. The car he was traveling in was intercepted by several police cars as they reached a traffic light in Hato Rey. This arrest aborted the plans for the revolution, precipitating the events that followed. On October 28, a mass jailbreak occurs in the Río Piedras prison. Three prisoners serving sentences for theft had weapons removed from a military camp, which they kept hidden; they promised to make them available to the liberation movement, to this end, plans to release these three specific prisoners were outlined. Learning through the radio of the arrest in Hato Rey, the inmates decided to carry out the escape. Pedro Benejam was serving a life sentence and took the lead on the jailbreak. While all of this was happening, the Nationalist leadership received information of preparations made by the Police to raid the houses of Nationalist Party members. In a conference held by Albizu Campos and Tomás López de Victoria regarding the situation, it was decided to take the fight to the streets before new raids and arrests took place. The order was transmitted to all Heads of districts and neighboring towns: at noon, on Monday, October 30th, all police stations were to be attacked simultaneously. After attacking the police stations, it was decided all groups had to concentrate and resist in the mountains of the municipality of Utuado. I’m under the impression that Albizu wanted to prolong the revolutionary activity until the international authorities reacted, such as the United Nations, for example, the Security Council... Historically, that makes great sense: if the rebels resisted, and the international authorities that ensure world peace and freedom for the peoples, human rights, all of that… It would give them time to react and intervene. On Sunday morning, Manuel Caballer came to my house on Quenepo Street, voice quivering with emotion, he said: "The time has come." I felt exhausted since the uneven struggle exceeded my energy. Lost nights, continuous trips across the Island, hikes through woods and sugarcane plantations, systematic persecution by the Police, and my college studies, which I didn’t wish to abandon. There were moments when I preferred death to that state of tension and anxiety. This explains my expressions before Judge Ruiz Somohano, when he asked if I had anything to say after hearing the guilty verdict for murder in the first degree, to which I answered: "This is the happiest moment of my life." It all began in the early hours of October 30, 1950, in the municipality of Peñuelas, when a group of Nationalists headed for Ponce to fulfill revolutionary objectives. During the journey, an intense firefight between the police and insurgents broke out; a Nationalist was the first casualty. In Ponce, Pedrosa told us we had to head out to Utuado, because the first shooting had already taken place in Peñuelas. As we were going to Utuado, there, in front of Tricoche Hospital, were Corporal Miranda and another policeman in a police car, they decided to take chase and caught up with us across from the cement factory. They got down--we were inside the car-- then Corporal Miranda told the policeman: “Arrest all of these scoundrels”, then a shot was fired and Corporal Miranda died. At the ring of the first shot, several comrades had already abandoned me, leaving me alone with brothers Miguel and Antonio Alicea. We decided to flee the location before police reinforcements arrived. We crossed the farm “Las cuarenta cuerdas” on the way to the Tibes neighborhood, where a manhunt began. Hunger and thirst forced us to make a decision which filled me with deep sorrow: having to part with the two most noble and brave men in the group of Cadets. To better avoid pursuit, we split up, taking different paths. After splitting up, the Police and the National Guard came upon the whereabouts of Ramón Pedrosa, the Alicea brothers and the rest of the group of revolutionaries from Ponce. We were tortured in the Molina Street police station, they physically punished us. I got whacked in the back several times, they hit me hard with a plank in my stomach, leaving me out of breath... I remember Don Pedro’s nephew, Campos, they hit him in the back with a pickaxe lifting him up five or six feet in the air, blood running from his mouth as he dropped. These confrontations eliminated the surprise factor for the rest of the Island. Understanding the situation, Commander Tomás López de Victoria, who was stationed at the residence of Ricardo Díaz in Arecibo, along with a group of revolutionaries, decided not to wait until the time he’d indicated himself, and announced the coup to prevent getting arrested. He split the Arecibo group in two: one was responsible for attacking the Arecibo police station at 11:30 a.m., the other would head to Utuado on a bus. During the journey, they realize the road was under construction, and López de Victoria decides to continue on foot to Utuado across the mountains. Ricardo Díaz did not agree with the plan, but obeyed orders, nevertheless. López de Victoria took command here almost by force. He came with some people from over there and just took over here. Who was going to question López de Victoria the right to take charge of my headquarters? He was the Chief Commander of the Army! He came, took the lion’s share and did whatever he wanted here. And what you mention? He’s the one that decided to do it: a ridiculous thing, stupid, foolish... and I don’t know how many other adjectives to use! To grab men I trained for the revolution and take them to the hills, through a forest he didn’t even know and had never seen before, because López was not from here! We continued walking towards Utuado all the time, to fight and fulfill the mission we’d been tasked. We arrived in tatters, we didn’t need to fight to be defeated and demoralized. I was crying… You know what it’s like? I dedicated all those years of my life, day and night, recruiting men and saving up some money to buy a small gun, to end up in the forest? In San Juan, the Cadets commander, Raimundo Díaz Pacheco, ordered his men to gather at noon on Monday, October 30th, in Colón Square, Old San Juan. I attended the meeting on October 29, where we were instructed to be alert, at the ready, because they were arresting all Nationalists. Raimundo was worried, and he tells me: “Wait up. Go to the University and instruct all the members of the Nationalist Party who study there, that they should be in Colón Square at noon, in Old San Juan.” There definitely were federal agents there, they stood out with their Palm Beach suits, made from a fabric worn in the tropics. They were all pretending to read the newspaper, sitting around the Christopher Columbus monument. We got down and Raimundo was already doing rounds in the car being raffled, entering through O'Donnell street towards Fortaleza, going up that way, coming around and down O'Donnell, apparently giving the people he’d asked to be there time to arrive. All of us who showed up knew what we were there for, no one was deceived, or anything; we knew what was about to happen, a big clash. And he waited until he felt the ones that should be part of it were already there. Then… And then he told me: “Lead the ones on foot, we’re attacking the police station.” And I followed the car, we all did, but what happened? When we arrived at the police station on San Francisco street, what happened next was not what he’d told us, they didn’t attack the station, on the contrary, the car accelerated and flew down the street. We were all confused, thinking “What happened?!” The car flew down San Francisco street to attack Fortaleza (the Governor’s mansion), and we began to fight. The policemen around the area wanted to grab us to arrest us, and we fought them and followed the road to Fortaleza, where the car had continued. What instructions were you given by your commander, Raimundo Díaz Pacheco? Had he said?: “Well, once we reach Fortaleza…” What? What were you going to do? Men, we’re getting in Fortaleza at any cost, and there we’ll fight. because it is the seat of the United States government implanted in Puerto Rico. They would take Fortaleza, Muñoz would be arrested, the Republic was to be proclaimed, and an appeal to the United Nations would be made. In the case of Fortaleza, the police had already been informed and they were ready, they were going to receive the Nationalists with bullets and it was practically a slaughter. There were policemen stationed, security agents on the rooftop… Fortaleza street was like a cannon. And when they arrived, they were practically not given the opportunity to get off the vehicle. The police shot first, three were killed in one fell swoop. The one who resisted some more was Raimundo, behind the palm tree, he fired as many shots as he could, but he was annihilated behind that palm tree. When I passed by Fortaleza street, the gunfight was so intense that no one could move forward, so we decided to go down to the Federal Court. There, they had a group of policemen behind us, another one in front, and yet another on the side, by Banco Popular: they corralled us there and fired at will. They were shooting at me, bullets went through my clothes, you could see the bullet stains. Other comrades got bullets through their hats that didn’t hit their heads. And, well, they ordered: “Surrender! Surrender! Hands in the air!” We didn’t react, if they had to kill us, so be it! That’s when they arrested us. I was taken to the federal building and locked in the basement, they took off all my clothes and left me naked there. In the meanwhile, the shooting continued. I was alive, but wounded, under the car, and from there, I began shooting at the windows I noticed shots were coming from. I kept shooting at them for about an hour. I blacked out, because already when I was shooting from under the car, I was shooting at red shapes in front of me. It’s alleged that they hauled me from under the car, but as they did, I had a gun in my hand... ...and when they noticed I had a gun, the only way they could be safe was to beat me up. Gregorio Hernández received approximately 26 bullet impacts in his body, but survives, is detained, taken to the hospital and then to jail. At dusk, they were bringing me to the police station. They came in a patrol car, took me out of the cell, slapped a pair of pants on me, no belt or shirt, or anything, and threw me in a car. Sitting next to me was a cop who cocked his revolver and, after a few expletives, said: “I’ll kill you on the first shot.” We went to the police station on San Francisco street --that’s where it used to be-- when I got there, there were two rows of policemen, one on each side, a corridor in the center, and they passed me around and beat me with lead billy clubs on the head, lungs and back. Then, a fat man, a policeman, sees my face and I see him, I recognized him as he did me, and he started shouting: “Quit hitting this man! Stop!” That was the last thing I heard, surely they kept beating me. I collapsed, and when I woke up, found myself in a pool of water, urine and all of that in a smaller, crowded cell. Early in the morning of October 30, 1950, Edmidio Marín, accompanied by a group of revolutionaries from the municipality of Jayuya, met at Blanca Canales’ home in the Coabey neighborhood of Jayuya. There, they received orders of the attack they would carry out in town. All the men assembled in the first floor of my house. Then, I took their oath. I had a flag, the one we used when we received Don Pedro, I had it; I brought it in and took their oath. The main objectives were to take the police station and any dependencies belonging to the USA. We split into four cars. We were picking up a few people who joined us along the way, and met with Heriberto Marín once we reached the bridge we call Padua bridge. I first heard of the Nationalist revolution in the morning of Monday 30th. I was in the high school, and on the radio they were reporting the different shootings throughout the Island. I was with my girlfriend, Candita Centeno, and at noon I walked her to where she’d wait to be picked up in the afternoon, and she said: “Hey, don’t go and get involved in any of the trouble going on in the Island now”, and within 5 minutes I was in the revolution, since I hopped on the first car full of Nationalists I found. When we set foot in town, the reaction of the people around was to flee… The vast majority just fled, some even packed a few bags and took away the children. Other people asked for weapons. However, we couldn’t give them weapons, because we really didn’t have any, whatever we had, we had divided up. If we had had weapons, maybe things would have been more serious. That's when Torresola called the Police and told them to surrender, but they replied with bullets, so we had to keep shooting and continued the struggle. Our commander, Carlos Irizarry... ...he was a person of extreme courage, and he placed himself in front of the entryway of the police station. It was like a line of steps, and when he tried to enter, a policeman shot him; he fired back immediately and got the policeman on his forehead, and the policeman got him on his side. When we learned that Carlos had been seriously wounded, we dragged him to the barbershop next door, then two policemen fired into the barbershop and so we began shooting back at them. I went up to the second floor, which was a family home, and from there I threw two Molotov cocktails into the station. Someone had already thrown a few on the other side, and the station was quickly catching fire. The Police had already dispersed then, they’d found their way into the chapel of the Catholic church, and since we didn’t dare shoot in the church, because they had forbidden us to shoot in a place like that, a hospital or similar places. The thought occurred to me to display the flag of Puerto Rico, which I had on me because we’d taken the oath. All this was improvised, you know? So I decided to get up there and tell people what was going on, and as they saw me with the flag, cheering for Puerto Rico, waving the flag “Freedom for Puerto Rico!” We burnt down the Selective Service, because, to us, it represented the main vein for the United States to use the younger generation of the Puerto Rican people. We did a round... Since it was all wood, the town was burning all around. The lieutenant of Police had abandoned the station and he even left his car under the station’s balcony, which caused more harm than anything else, because it exploded, and since everything around was made of wood, it all became a fiery hell. Regarding the Nationalists, the radio informed that, especially in Jayuya, there were three hundred Nationalists running through the streets, armed to the teeth, they said, and that there were three hundred more in the mountains of Jayuya awaiting the National Guard. Out of the 600 they said there were in Jayuya, we were actually 32, a five percent. At first, when news first came through of the clashes between the Nationalists and the Police, etc., the governor, Luis Muñoz Marín, said people should not be alarmed, these were just some troublemakers and the Police would take care of the situation, it would all be fought off and eliminated immediately. But as soon as the news continue regarding everything that was happening in different parts of the island, Luis Muñoz Marín was forced to mobilize the National Guard, or Colonial Militia, which is the name that agency and its aviation unit should have. Reaching Utuado was our primary mission, and on the evening of October 31, we left Jayuya to get to Utuado. We could not arrive because there were too many problems: the National Guard had set stations and groups in different neighborhoods of Jayuya, we also got lost, and ended up exiting near Utuado, but it was not the suitable way to reach Utuado. Unable to fulfill their mission, Edmidio and the members of his group decided to turn back to Jayuya, but the National Guard awaited them. The whole National Guard was there, and they began shooting and firing mortars. Since I knew the neighborhood very well, I turned around and went into my house. My mom and my family ran to embrace me, tried to give me clothes so I could get dressed, and all of that, but then the Police arrived and surrounded the house. I went out and my mother tells them: “At least let him put on a shirt and some shoes.” They didn’t pay her any heed. They stuffed me into a Jeep and took me away. The amount of arrests was incredible, everyone in Coabey was arrested: Mom, who was an old woman, and Dad as well. The group of Cadets in Utuado was large, but only a few responded and met in town to execute the mission to attack the police station at noon. After fulfilling the objective, they took refuge in this house and resist until nighttime, waiting for comrades from other parts of the Island. During the shooting, Heriberto Castro, Nationalist commander in the area, is killed. At about 11:30 p.m., the National Guard of Puerto Rico arrived, and under the fire of machine guns, the Nationalists surrender, are arrested and four of them are killed. When we arrived in Utuado, the National Guard had already massacred the Nationalists. I heard the rattle--I'm a soldier-- I heard the rattling of the National Guard machine guns as they massacred the Nationalists. I mean, we didn’t get to engage with enemy forces or get together with our people, because they’d been slaughtered… They threw them on the street to die. When he realized the town of Utuado was occupied by the military, Tomás López de Victoria decided to return to Arecibo with Ricardo Díaz and the rest of the group. López de Victoria and Ricardo Díaz decided to surrender after negotiating with the authorities through third parties. There was also combat in the municipality of Naranjito. The group of Nationalists from the municipality of Mayagüez is the last one to revolt. Insurgents face the colonial government armed forces in two separate battles during the early hours of October 31, 1950. Then, by order of the area Commander, they surrendered when they found themselves overcome by the forces of the colonial regime. On October 31, at about 2 p.m. in Barrio Obrero, San Juan, a lone man, Nationalist Vidal Santiago, resists arrest and faces the National Guard and the colonial police from his barbershop. Combat was intense and stretched out for several hours, until Vidal was seriously wounded and arrested. While there had been combat in eight towns of Puerto Rico, on November 1, 1950, Griselio Torresola, the man selected by Pedro Albizu Campos to lead the insurrection in the United States, and Nationalist Oscar Collazo, attacked the temporary residence of President Harry S. Truman, to force him, at gunpoint, to declare independence for Puerto Rico. While these events occur, Pedro Albizu Campos is in the National Board of the Nationalist Party surrounded by the FBI, National Guard and the Police. Orders to besiege the house of Don Pedro Albizu Campos are given, but it was obviously not to arrest him, the strategy was to maintain a state of siege, an armed blockade, to serve again as psychological repression for Don Pedro Albizu Campos, and somewhat drive him insane in that environment. And it was not until November 2, three nights and four days, that they finally carry out the arrest of Don Pedro Albizu Campos, attacking with tear gas to force him out of the Nationalist Party clubhouse, as they called it, which was in the intersection of Sol and Cruz streets in Old San Juan. That is, the days before that were full of machine gun bursts and shootings at 30 minute intervals. The insurrection comes to an end on November 10, when José Negrón, who sustained combat in the mountains of Naranjito until that day, is detained. News of the insurrection travel the world, but the United Nations decides not to intervene in Puerto Rico. The insurrection leaves an unfortunate balance of 48 wounded: 23 policemen, 6 members of the National Guard, 9 Nationalists and 10 civilians. It also leaves behind 29 dead: 7 policemen, 1 National Guard, 16 Nationalists and 5 civilians. We were very affected by the death of all those who died in Puerto Rico. Revolution is very painful, especially because of what it leads to: death, prison, people’s pain, what gets destroyed, which you don’t mean to destroy either... Virgilio Camacho, the policeman who died in Jayuya, was a very dear person in town, same as Carlos Irizarry. We didn’t want anyone to die... ...that was not the purpose, the purpose was to have them surrender their weapons. Approximately 1,106 people were arrested. Those who could not be linked to the uprising were released within a few days, others were kept detained awaiting trial. The National Guard arrived, a regiment armed with machine guns and everything and occupied all this here. They held Mom at gunpoint with a machine gun, asking where were her children and husband: “Look for them out there on the streets, in the revolution, because they sure aren’t here under the bed.” They took her away… They released her after SEVEN years! Seven years... In that sense, they’re murderers, because if I’m executed summarily I give out a cheer for the Republic and drop, but why my mother? And on top of that, seven years!? Well, this picture of my mother... Knowing her as I do, and that gesture... I think at that moment she was accosted by the memories of the great offenses she was submitted to, that wounded her to the most profound depths of her being, her and her family, her husband and children. Mom was sweet, kind, an exceedingly loving woman. Again Doña Leonides, and this photo, where those moments of infinite anguish came to her mind again; it was many years... Doña Leonides never worried about the risks to her life, or the suffering she would endure, because her idol was the historical figure of Joan of Arc, so, knowing who Joan of Arc was, you can easily discern mom’s feelings. The old man, he was the one who said: “If in the revolution I can’t bear arms, I’ll bare my soul.” That's quite deep, you have to know how to interpret it. “If I can’t bear arms, I’ll bare my soul,” you know... Dad was taking our oath in the midst of the revolution, to carry on... He did. There’s a pool between Utuado and Arecibo, on a mountain, where crystal clear, pure, cold water gathers and then runs when the level rises. Don Ricardo gathered all of us around the water, one hand over the other, and sworn us in… Right there... That’s what my old man did. While hundreds of people were arrested, the inscriptions to vote for Law 600 began, the law authorizing the convening of a supposed constituent assembly to establish the Commonwealth. That’s me, this is in the Arecibo courthouse. The trial was a complete farce. We were accused of everything, they treated us like terrorists, subversives, cop murderers... All because of how much they hated us. Among the defendants were brothers José and Antonio Alicea. These young men fought with devotion for our nation’s freedom, remaining at my side during the most critical moments. The room was packed with uniformed policemen and the audience was composed by defendants’ relatives. The rest were uniformed agents and the jury who would take part in the process. Friends were conspicuously absent. From the beginning of the process I acted nonchalantly, since I knew the result in advance. The lawyer began interrogation to choose the jury. Before the verdict was issued, I felt aversion for the “gentlemen” in whose hands my justice was deposited. A political trial under those conditions was a mockery of justice. Many things happened during the trials. Hearing, for example, our own family members declaring against us... … saying idiotic things, and things that never happened, was incredibly surprising to us. A few witnesses turned up, who were supposed to testify against us, town people who were under that tree when we got cornered and shot, by whom? By the Police. And they said: “No, the one who fired here was that policeman.” The testimony of all the witnesses, 3 or 4… They seemed to have more, but they didn’t call them to the stand, because the testimony was completely negative for the Police, who were expecting a testimony against us, but those people did the exact opposite, they were under pressure, but in the courtroom, they told the truth. And that’s when the trial is dismissed, accusations are dropped, and we were found innocent of those three attacks to commit murder, and they set us free, because we had already served 19 months in prison. There’s two things, they treated us with the sternness and care you need to deal with men they considered dangerous: they used extreme security measures and, from prison to court there were always heavily armed policeman every 10 steps... Just from the prison to the court. I was called. They said: “Stand up, Heriberto Marín. You’re sentenced to life in prison for first-degree murder,” and 45 years to serve consecutively for the other crimes I was charged with. When that happened, movement could be heard in the back, it was my mother, who fainted when she heard the sentence. Nearly all of us got different verdicts. I was sentenced with first-degree murder and 4 attacks to commit murder. Thing is, I was sentenced to 250 years in prison. I was sentenced... … to four consecutive life sentences, and then 86 years plus 6 months for the misdemeanors. Pedro Albizu Campos was tried and accused of attempted murder, weapons regulations and twelve violations on the Gag Law for 12 speeches delivered between 1948 and 1950. These speeches were submitted in court; words become crime. He is sentenced to 12 to 54 years in prison. Many of the Nationalists who took part in the uprising were sentenced. In Jayuya, where only one policeman died, 32 people are given life sentences for the same murder. It gets to the point where they use the Puerto Rican flag as criminal evidence. A few Nationalists choose to be witnesses for the prosecution to avoid jail. Those whose connection to the uprise can’t be proven, are held prisoners because another charge was always pending: violations of the Gag Law. Such is the case of Nationalist and university student Olga Viscal, poet and historian José Enamorado Cuesta and the young communist Deusdedit Marrero. Deusdedit Marrero was a young communist from Arecibo, and he was arrested because, on the day of the revolution, he exclaimed “Freedom for Puerto Rico!” in the main square. He was newly married and his wife was pregnant… … and he received the same treatment they gave us, and his wife committed suicide while pregnant. He served his time, and ended up homeless on the streets of Río Piedras until a few years back. In 1952, while many Nationalists are illegally imprisoned, and Puerto Rico was showcased to the world as the example of Democracy, the Commonwealth is founded. The Puerto Rican flag, symbol of the Nationalist Party --the same one used as criminal evidence in the trials against the Nationalists-- became the official flag of the new regime. On July 25, 1952, the Commonwealth is proclaimed. And the US flag and the Puerto Rican flag, which were supposed to be raised at the entrance of the prison, well, they installed two poles inside the prison, right where we were, in the Nationalist section. Some comrades declined and remained in their bunks, but someone had to tell the story, and I witnessed it all. It was an exciting moment, but also very sad, because we wanted to see our flag stand alone, and they did that to humiliate us. We were imprisoned in a section of consecutive steel metal cells controlled via remote. Days and months, and years and years... There were more dramatic cases, like Goyito Hernández Rivera, the sole survivor of the Fortaleza attack, who had a 6-months-old baby girl when he was taken prisoner. He spent all his time talking about his daughter, how she was doing, if she was walking already... Those things you only come to understand when you become a parent. And, since we were kept isolated for so long… Visits began around a year and half in, and he was one of the first to receive visitors. The visit was supposed to last half an hour, but they brought him up 15 minutes later and locked him in his cell, they were individual cells. We called out to him and asked, and he wouldn’t speak... Goyito would not speak, until one early morning he grabbed onto the bars of the cell and wanted to bring the door down. The guards came and he finally talked, and said… ...when he arrived in the visiting room and saw his wife alone, he asked her about the baby, and she replied: “Goyito, did you not receive the telegram?” He said he hadn’t received any telegrams. “Well, the baby died 6 months ago.” The mental torture was terrible, many lost their minds during that time. Matos Paoli went mad, one of the Díaz, and the Diaz' father, a cousin of mine... They were aware of my father’s health condition but still treated him as they did me, a 20-year-old who was as strong as a mule. Same with mom, a woman of a certain age already. And my younger brother, the most favorable case in their point of view, regarding their behavior, when they sentenced him, they grabbed this 20-year-old boy... … and locked him up permanently for years, with just a toilet and a sink. Pedro Albizu Campos was one of the most affected by prison conditions. While in jail, he fell ill and spent a great amount of time in the prison hospital. He alleges to be tortured in prison by the US government with rays described as "atomic," which cause burns all through his body. Because of these allegations, he’s declared insane by the colonial government and their psychiatrists. As a result of international pressure, he was pardoned without conditions by Governor Luis Muñoz Marín, but did not remain a free man for long. On March 1, 1954, four members of the Nationalist Party attack the United States Congress, intent on exposing the colonial status of Puerto Rico to the world. As a result of the attack, Pedro Albizu Campos’ pardon is revoked on March 6, 1954. After resisting arrest in a shootout, he’s incarcerated again, where he falls ill once more as a result of abuse. I began to feel discomfort and become upset when it was time to take us to the bathroom. They mobilized all the guards, herding us in groups of ten, like cattle on their way to the slaughterhouse. We were not allowed to stop and chat with the other comrades, each locked in their own cells. The unpleasant and deafening noise of the whistle shattered our nerves. Within a few months of my arrival there, I forged a plan to drop a guard on his head from the second floor of the northern section. When it reached Don Pedro’s ears he ordered me from the hospital to maintain serenity and discipline, to avoid giving them the opportunity to slaughter all the Nationalists imprisoned. My father had written a letter to Luis Muñoz Marín asking him to forgive us, to release and pardon us, but the answer he received was that he would not pardon us until we apologized, and since we never apologized, we served full sentences. In late 1957, most of the participants of the uprise of October 30 had been released from prison. Some abandoned their ideals, and some others finished serving the sentences imposed by court. The fifteen remaining in prison stayed behind because they didn’t accept the humiliating conditions for release, and, in the case of Tomás López de Victoria and myself, because they doubted our intentions when we accepted said conditions. There’s a sorrow I’ve always carried in my soul... … that sorrow is that each and every one of those boys were willing to give their lives for our nation. When they were released from prison, they were completely abandoned, no one went to receive any of those boys at the prison’s gate. I'm quite sure you've never heard of Carlos Sánchez, Ramón Sánchez, Miguel Ángel Román, and those boys were the ones who truly made the revolution. I was pardoned in 1959. I left prison, and a week later I was invited to a novena in Jayuya for someone who’d passed away in the area. I was there, in the house, and this beautiful woman shows up. It was Candita, the girl from high school. We hadn’t communicated during all that time, and I decided to ask her if she was married, and she said no, why would she marry if she was waiting for me? We got married in 5 months’ time. We were married for 54 years. I lost her two years ago, right on Valentine’s Day. We have 4 children. She was an amazing woman. What does this photograph remind you of? A beautiful woman… The love of my life, a courageous woman who broke with the social molds of her time. Marrying a Nationalist was a terrible thing for the very closed society of the time, on that decade in the past century, and she didn’t care… She gave me so much in life. On November 15, 1964, faced with his imminent death, Albizu Campos was pardoned by the colonial authorities without conditions. A few months later, on April 21, 1965, he passed away at the age of 73. There were more people who broke down under the terrible pressure than not. Only a few were pardoned cleanly. I’m one of them, thank God. And my brother, despite the terrible damage to his health, came out honorably. On December 31, 1968, Ricardo and Ángel Díaz were pardoned. When they got out of prison, their parents had already passed away. -Don Ricardo, do you regret participating in the Nationalist uprising? Jeez! I think that if you were not who you are, I’d be quite miffed by that question! The only thing I've done in my 90 years of life that has justified my existence in this plane, in this life, is that! Why would I change it?! As a Nationalist, I was obedient and respected the orders that were given... ... and I decided to participate. However, many times afterwards during the trajectory... I was 19 then, now I’m 85 years old, and I think a little differently and sometimes I even think it was crazy, because, imagine venturing into a revolution… When I went to the revolution my gun only had 4 bullets. How was I to fight an army with four bullets? Two of them were duds, the first two were no good..., I didn’t get to shoot in the revolution. Well, if I was naive, then there have been many naive people in this world, you know? Because all the struggles of peoples have been waged in the midst of adversity. We’d be crazy if we were not convinced of that truth: it’s possible to achieve it, people can break free from their oppressors and build new roads, new routes of happiness, new routes of freedom. Our army, the Nationalist Revolutionary Army --the Cadets of the Republic-- given the task we were entrusted, and the kind of opponent we had… I don’t think they were up to the task, or their activity, rather, their activity was not relevant to the responsibility and seriousness of their obligations. This is my calm, serene opinion these many years after the revolution, having known them, and all of that, knowing the way it happened and how it was, it doesn’t satisfy me. If I suffered in prison, it’s because of that, not because they sentenced me to 500 years in prison. If the time came to participate in the revolution, that would be my ultimate, happiest dream, but I know the situation I'm in, I know how old I am, I’m 81 now… No, I’m 80, and I know it won’t happen for me, but I wish it did. Even though anything can happen in a colony, what you least imagine can happen at any given time, I hope to God there’s no need for another armed revolution, to have to see blood flow and have people suffer what we suffered. In these times, other forms of struggle may be adopted. -Don Ricardo, what’s your opinion on the fact that 65 years after the uprise Puerto Rico is still not free? More than a psychological frustration, a moral and philosophical one. Why!? We’re one of the smallest countries in the world, why does the most powerful nation in the world take delight in making us suffer so? And since I'm a Spiritualist, and believe in reincarnation, I pray God to allow me to reincarnate into a future revolutionary movement, to continue fighting those who humiliate and kick us down. Are you Mr. Dico Díaz? -Heriberto Marín Torres! -How are you doing? -Oh my! What a gift! And for my ninetieth birthday, too. -90? Congratulations! -Yes, I turned 90. You turned 90? You're a young boy! I often reflect on what you point out, that, for example, prominent Nationalists, as it were, members of the Nationalist Party who were sentenced, and who are fully aware of that, you know? There are just two or three of us left. Yes, I don’t think we’re even half a dozen. We’re an endangered species... ... in the human sense, here, not in the spiritual or historic sense. So we’re something like a historical relic? I was 25 in the revolution, now I’m 90. What was true when I was 25 years old is even truer now, because at 90 I’m more aware of what freedom really is than when I went to the revolution back then. I think, Dico, that everything has its time… If we, even at our age, are locked in a small room like that, deprived of oxygen, we’d make a hole for air somewhere, somehow. “When tyranny is law, revolution is order.” And you can replace the word “tyranny” with: confinement, abuse, persecution, harassment, hunger, misery, disgrace; it all compels man to fight for freedom, justice and dignity. It's a matter of logic. If you don’t have the balls... If you’re not prepared and ready to risk your life on behalf of these principles... But that's basic logic! What is the History of mankind? If History were to write everything man does every day, it’d need millions of tons of volumes to record nonsense. The History of mankind is the effort man makes or has made to break free from tyranny. Well, Dico, we have to go. -There’s much more to discuss here. -Much more. And the Teacher is not here to illustrate us... Because we can help illustrate on the personal aspect, here; this man and I were locked in cells for years, and walking around, some might see us as people who wouldn’t hurt a fly, as they say. Only difference is, you have white, white hair, and mine’s not as white. Mine is silver and yours is white as snow, right? I’m here joking around to make you all laugh, but, actually, a girlfriend of mine asked why my hair was so white when I was so young... This one’s always had white hair. ...and I told her “They say wisdom is white, and I’m so wise that it pours out of the pores on my head." We’ll see each other again, this won’t be my last visit. This visit of yours is just…! You know? In 2016, in “Puerto Rico v. Sánchez Valle,” the Supreme Court of the United States of America ruled that the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico does not have sovereign authority. In 2016, the government of the United States imposed a takeover of Puerto Rico’s finances by means of a Fiscal Oversight Board.

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Duration: 1 hour, 45 minutes and 49 seconds
Country: Andorra
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Posted by: yarasol on Jan 4, 2017

1950 - 30 DIC

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